Music Assessment Feedback
TASK: Read the following feedback for each question of your assessment. Make notes on these and keep these safe for your exam next year. This blog-post will remain available until your final exam.
1. Identify the regulator for radio in the UK. (1 mark)
- Ofcom
2. Explain one way in which music videos use media language to differ from each other. Refer to one example of contrasting media language in two music videos you have studied to support your answer. (5 marks)
- Two marks for a valid detailed explanation of how music videos use
media language to differ from each other
Videos may use linear narratives telling the story of the song or
performance montages to draw attention to the song or the
performers
Videos may use contrasting settings and associated lighting –
location or studio or in performance, urban or rural, exotic or
everyday, to match the style of music and the musician’s image
Videos may use contrasting camerawork and editing to create a
tone to match the song and the musician(s), by creating
documentary style naturalism or a more stylised performance, for
example
Videos may use only the music track as soundtrack or may add
diegetic elements to help create a self-contained fictional world
Any other valid contrasting media language
Different narratives
Different mise–en-scene
Different camerawork and/or editing
Different soundtrack.
- Two marks for Exemplification of a difference in media language use in two
videos studied.
3. Explain how and why producers of radio programmes target different audiences. Refer to the Radio 1 Live Lounge to support your answer. (10 marks)
Responses must discuss how producers of radio programmes targets
different audiences.
This discussion may include:
Availability – either in terms of how the programme is broadcast or
its online presence; for example, producers of local radio
programmes can target geographically defined specialised
audiences, whereas producers of national radio programmes may
target mass audiences, or specialised audiences on a national
scale
Styles and/or genres played; e.g. producers of radio programmes
may seek to specialise in a genre, for example BBC Radio 1 Live
Lounge uses an acoustic genre with ‘unique acoustic
performances from a range of established and breakthrough
artists’ to target specialised audiences defined by musical taste
Eras of programming, e.g. producers of radio programmes may
target an older demographic, for example through playing music
from the 1960s to 1990s or broadcasting classic radio plays.
Producers of radio programmes can also target audiences
through the recruitment and directed tone of performance of
presenters, e.g. a programme may have a more formal and
informative presentation to address a niche target audience or a
more informal and entertaining presentation to address a mass
audience
Producers of radio programmes may target audiences through
other services, e.g. national radio programmes may offer traffic reports to target drivers, local radio programmes will offer local
news, weather, traffic reports and sports coverage targeting the
local audience
Brand image – producers of radio programmes will use
advertising and marketing to develop a brand image to suit their
target audience; e.g. local radio programmes participating in
community events, national radio programmes will engage with
and cover national, significant events
Any other relevant aspect of targeting audiences
Responses must explain why producers of radio programmes target
different audiences.
This discussion may include:
Targeting an otherwise unserved niche audience in order to
compete in the market
Targeting a mass audience to sell to advertisers
Targeting a well-defined niche audience to sell to advertisers
As part of a Public Service Broadcasting requirement to
address a specific audience on the channel the programme is
broadcast on, for example Radio 1 Live Lounge
Any other relevant reason
Responses must refer to Radio 1 Live Lounge to illustrate how and
why audiences are targeted by producers of radio programmes.
This
discussion may include:
Consideration of how radio producers shape programmes to
fit into a channels ethos to target audiences, for example
Radio 1 is a very established brand, has national transmission
and a place on the BBC’s website that has a dominant online
presence, the format of the Radio 1 Live Lounge reflects this
in its digital, offline and online presence and the channel gives
it a national reach
The Radio 1 Live Lounge uses younger presenters to engage
their target audience, Live Lounge uses Clara Amfo, as the
presenter, this combined with its mid-morning slot helps target
younger audiences
Radio producers position the Radio 1 Live Lounge to illustrate a commitment to live music, which will engage audiences
concerned with authenticity in their musicians (addressing the
needs of fans, adding to the Radio 1 brand and trying to fulfil
the BBC’s PSB requirement to be distinctive)
Any other relevant illustration.
4. Refer to Extract 1 in the Insert. Analyse the representation of musicians in Extract 1, which is from MOJO Magazine. (5 marks)
Responses should analyse representations of musicians in the extract
from MOJO Magazine in terms of one or more of the following: the
choices media producers make about how to represent social groups,
stereotyping, how the representations reflect the purposes of the
producers, the viewpoints, messages, values and beliefs conveyed, the
significance of the representations in terms of the themes or issues they
address.
Analysis of the representations of musicians may include:
The choice of media language to connote the reverence MOJO accords
to musicians due to their purpose to celebrate ‘classic rock’:
language use such as ‘Arise! Ray Davies’ and use of the term
‘legends’
the restrained use of colour on the front cover.
The choice of media language to associate musicians with quest, danger
and struggle, knowingly fitting stereotypes of rock musicians as grappling
with grand themes:
the ‘authentically’ monochrome photograph of a young Ray
Davies with a eyeline suggesting a look towards the heavens
combined with the cover line ‘Rock’s dark knight on surviving the
Kinks and saving his soul’ connoting a spiritual quest, albeit ironically
language use such as: ‘their year of living dangerously’, ‘KLF burn
again’, ‘the torment of..’ connoting danger and struggle, albeit
ironically
the choice of a black background connoting seriousness,
darkness, or realism, adds to this representation
The selection of musicians to represent on the front cover
the selection of white male musicians as front cover images fits
stereotypes of rock musicians
the anti-stereotypical positive representation of older people as
popular musicians, e.g. the artist from CSNY on the front cover of
the extract gives direct eye contact and dominates the frame
the selection of an old photograph of Ray Davies in his youth to
dominate the front cover may suggest a stereotypical preference
– for the producers or for audiences - for youthful images of rock
musicians, however, MOJO do routinely use contemporary
images.
Any other relevant representation analysis.
5. Refer to Extracts 1 and 2 in the Insert. How far is media language used differently in Extracts 1 and 2 to reflect genre conventions? In your answer you must: analyse examples of how media language is used similarly and differently in Extracts 1 and 2, which are from We Love Pop and MOJO magazines make judgements and reach conclusions about whether there are more similarities due to genre conventions than differences in the extracts. (15 marks)
Responses must analyse examples of similarities in the two extracts
that, such as:
both feature a range of musicians on the front cover, either in
cover lines or images
both use language to try to create an inclusive mode of address
addressing an audience of music fans
both use a range of sans-serif fonts
both have mastheads at the top of the page and cover lines
Responses should analyse differences in media language in the two
magazine extracts such as:
the difference between use of neon pink in We Love Pop and the
use of black in MOJO
the difference between the cluttered layout of We Love Pop with a
range of images and little column justification and the more
ordered layout in MOJO, dominated by one large central image and justified columns
The relative demotion of the masthead on We Love Pop
compared to the banner masthead of MOJO
the difference between the highly stylised typography in We Love
Pop (e.g. the ‘dripping ‘Love Sucks’) and the more conventional
typography in MOJO
the difference between the more informal language use
suggesting commonality of experience in We Love Pop (e.g.
‘decode his Snapchat’, ‘Crush Cringes & Dating Disasters’) and a
language use suggesting differences in experience in MOJO (e.g.
‘Society tried to extinguish me’)
the difference between the multiple conventionally lit photographs
in We Love Pop and the single, chiaroscuro lit photograph in
MOJO.
Responses must make judgements and reach conclusions about
whether the similarities due to genre conventions outweigh differences.
Responses may argue:
that most similarities are not due to genre but are either
conventions of consumer magazines in general (mastheads,
cover lines, inclusive mode of address etc.) and/or are style
decisions that are not generic conventions (e.g. use of sans serif
fonts) and that the other similarities (e.g. featuring musicians) are
trivial
that there are similarities due to genre conventions but these are
outweighed by differences in media language use
that similarities are due to genre conventions and that many of
the differences are due to differences in sub-genre between
‘rock’ and ‘pop’ magazines and/or that We Love Pop is an
example of generic hybridity – a hybrid of music magazine and
lifestyle magazine
Any other judgements and conclusions supported by evidence
from the extracts.
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